Rev. Thomas James’s account, African-american minister, cared for black union soldier’s in Louisville

Thomas James was an African-American minister sent by the American Missionary Society to care for the families of black Union soldiers in Louisville. He gave this stirring account of the conditions for slaves and freedmen in Louisville during the Civil War.

I returned to Rochester in 1856, and took charge of the colored church in this city. In 1862 I received an appointment from the American Missionary Society to labor among the colored people of Tennessee and Louisiana, but I never reached either of these states. I left Rochester with my daughter, and reported at St. Louis, where I received orders to proceed to Louisville, Kentucky. On the train, between St. Louis and Louisville, a party of forty Missouri ruffians entered the car at an intermediate station, and threatened to throw me and my daughter off the train. They robbed me of my watch. The conductor undertook to protect us, but, finding it out of his power, brought a number of Government officers and passengers from the next car to our assistance. At Louisville the government took me out of the hands of the Missionary Society to take charge of freed and refugee blacks, to visit the prisons of that commonwealth, and to set free all colored persons found confined without charge of crime. I served first under the orders of General Burbage, and then under those of his successor, General Palmer. The homeless colored people, for whom I was to care, were gathered in a camp covering ten acres of ground on the outskirts of the city. They were housed in light buildings, and supplied with rations from the commissary stores. Nearly all the persons in the camp were women and children, for the colored men were sworn into the United States service as soldiers as fast as they came in.

My first duty, after arranging the affairs of the camp, was to visit the slave pens, of which there were five in the city. The largest, known as Garrison’s, was located on Market Street, and to that I made my first visit. When I entered it, and was about to make a thorough inspection of it, Garrison stopped me with the insolent remark, “I guess no nigger will go over me in this pen.” I showed him my orders, whereupon he asked time to consult the mayor. He started for the entrance, but was stopped by the guard I had stationed there. I told him he would not leave the pen until I had gone through every part of it. “So,” said I, “throw open your doors, or I will put you under arrest.” I found hidden away in that pen 260 colored persons, part of them in irons. I took them all to my camp, and they were free. I next called at Otterman’s pen on Second Street, from which also I took a large number of slaves. A third large pen was named Clark’s, and there were two smaller ones besides. I liberated the slaves in all of them. One morning it was reported to me that a slave trader had nine colored men locked in a room in the National hotel. A waiter from the hotel brought the information at daybreak. I took a squad of soldiers with me to the place, and demanded the surrender of the blacks. The clerk said there were none in the house. Their owners had gone off with “the boys” at daybreak. I answered that I could take no man’s word in such a case, but must see for myself. When I was about to begin the search, a colored man secretly gave me the number of the room the men were in. The room was locked, and the porter refused to give up the keys. A threat to place him under arrest brought him to reason, and I found the colored men inside, as I had anticipated.

One of them, an old man, who sat with his face between his hands, said as I entered: “So’thin’ tole me last night that so’thin’ was a goin’ to happen to me.” That very day I mustered the nine men into the service of the government, and that made them free men.

So much anger was excited by these proceedings, that the mayor and common council of Louisville visited General Burbage at his headquarters, and warned him that if I was not sent away within forty-eight hours my life would pay the forfeit. The General sternly answered them: “If James is killed, I will hold responsible for the act every man who fills an office under your city government. I will hang them all higher than Haman was hung, and I have 15,000 troops behind me to carry out the order. Your only salvation lies in protecting this colored man’s life.”

During my first year and a half at Louisville, a guard was stationed at the door of my room every night, as a necessary precaution in view of the threats of violence of which I was the object. One night I received a suggestive hint of the treatment the rebel sympathizers had in store for me should I chance to fall into their hands. A party of them approached the house where I was lodged protected by a guard. The soldiers, who were new recruits, ran off in afright. I found escape by the street cut off, and as I ran for the rear alley I discovered that avenue also guarded by a squad of my enemies. As a last resort I jumped a side fence, and stole along until out of sight and hearing of the enemy. Making my way to the house of a colored man named White, I exchanged my uniform for an old suit of his, and then, sallying forth, mingled with the rebel party, to learn, if possible, the nature of their intentions. Not finding me, and not having noticed my escape, they concluded that they must have been misinformed as to my lodging place for that night. Leaving the locality they proceeded to the house of another friend of mine, named Bridle, whose home was on Tenth Street. After vainly searching every room in Bridle’s house, they dispersed with the threat that if they got me I should hang to the nearest lamp-post. For a long time after I was placed in charge of the camp, I was forced to forbid the display of lights in any of the buildings at night, for fear of drawing the fire of rebel bushwhackers. All the fugitives in the camp made their beds on the floor, to escape danger from rifle balls fired through the thin siding of the frame structures.

I established a Sunday and a day school in my camp and held religious services twice a week as well as on Sundays. I was ordered by General Palmer to marry every colored woman that came into camp to a soldier unless she objected to such a proceeding. The ceremony was a mere form to secure the freedom of the female colored refugees; for Congress had passed a law giving freedom to the wives and children of all colored soldiers and sailors in the service of the government. The emancipation proclamation, applying as it did only to states in rebellion, failed to meet the case of slaves in Kentucky, and we were obliged to resort to this ruse to escape the necessity of giving up to their masters many of the runaway slave women and children who flocked to our camp.

I had a contest of this kind with a slave trader known as Bill Hurd. He demanded the surrender of a colored woman in my camp who claimed her freedom on the plea that her husband had enlisted in the federal army. She wished to go to Cincinnati, and General Palmer, giving me a railway pass for her, cautioned me to see her on board the cars for the North before I left her. At the levee I saw Hurd and a policeman, and suspecting that they intended a rescue, I left the girl with the guard at the river and returned to the general for a detail of one or more men.

During my absence Hurd claimed the woman from the guard and the latter brought all the parties to the provost marshal’s headquarters, although I had directed him to report to General Palmer with the woman in case of trouble; for I feared that the provost marshal’s sympathies were on the slave owner’s side. I met Hurd, the policeman and the woman at the corner of Sixth and Green streets and halted them. Hurd said the provost marshal had decided that she was his

property. I answered — what I had just learned that the provost marshal was not at his headquarters and that his subordinate had no authority to decide such a case. I said further that I had orders to take the party before General Palmer and proposed to do it. They saw it was not prudent to resist, as I had a guard to enforce the order.

When the parties were heard before the general, Hurd said the girl had obtained her freedom and a pass by false pretenses. She was his property; he had paid $500 for her; she was single when he bought her and she had not married since. Therefore she could claim no rights under the law giving freedom to the wives of colored soldiers. The general answered that the charge of false pretenses was a criminal one and the woman would be held for trial upon it. “But,” said Hurd, “she is my property and I want her.” “No,” answered the general, “we keep our own prisoners.” The general said to me privately, after Hurd was gone: “The woman has a husband in our service and I know it; but never mind that. We’ll beat these rebels at their own game.” Hurd hung about headquarters two or three days until General Palmer said finally: “I have no time to try this case; take it before the provost marshal.” The latter, who had been given the hint, delayed action for several days more, and then turned over the case to General Dodge. After another delay, which still further tortured the slave trader, General Dodge said to me one day: “James, bring Mary to my headquarters, supply her with rations, have a guard ready, and call Hurd as a witness.” When the slave trader had made his statement to the same effect as before, General Dodge delivered judgment in the following words: “Hurd, you are an honest man. It is a clear case. All I have to do, Mary, is to sentence you to keep away from this department during the remainder of the present war. James, take her across the river and see her on board the cars.” “But, general,” whined Hurd, “that won’t do. I shall lose her services if you send her north.” “You have nothing to do with it; you are only a witness in this case,” answered the general. I carried out the order strictly, to remain with Mary until the cars started; and under the protection of a file of guards, she was soon placed on the train en route for Cincinnati.

Among the slaves I rescued and brought to the refugee camp was a girl named Laura, who had been locked up by her mistress in a cellar and left to remain there two days and as many nights without food or drink. Two refugee slave women were seen by their master making toward my camp, and calling upon a policeman he had then seized and taken to the house of his brother-in- law on Washington street. When the facts were reported to me, I took a squad of guards to the house and rescued them. As I came out of the house with the slave women, their master asked me: “What are you going to do with them?” I answered that they would probably take care of themselves. He protested that he had always used the runaway women well, and appealing to one of them, asked: “Have I not, Angelina?” I directed the woman to answer the question, saying that she had as good a right to speak as he had, and that I would protect her in that right. She then said: “He tied my dress over my head Sunday and whipped me for refusing to carry victuals to the bushwhackers and guerrillas in the woods.” I brought the women to camp, and soon afterwards sent them north to find homes. I sent one girl rescued by me under somewhat similar circumstances as far as this city to find a home with Colonel Klinck’s family.

Up to that time in my career I had never received serious injury at any man’s hands. I was several times reviled and hustled by mobs in my first tour of the district about the city of Rochester, and once when I was lecturing in New Hampshire a reckless, half-drunken fellow in the lobby fired a pistol at me, the ball shattering the plaster a few feet from my head. But, as I said, I had never received serious injury. Now, however, I received a blow, the effects of which I shall carry to my grave. General Palmer sent me to the shop of a blacksmith who was suspected

of bushwhacking, with an order requiring the latter to report at headquarters. The rebel, who was a powerful man, raised a short iron bar as I entered and aimed a savage blow at my head. By an instinctive movement I saved my life, but the blow fell on my neck and shoulders, and I was for a long time afterwards disabled by the injury. My right hand remains partially paralyzed and almost wholly useless to this day.

Many a sad scene I witnessed at my camp of colored refugees in Louisville. There was the mother bereaved of her children, who had been sold and sent farther South lest they should escape in the general rush for the federal lines and freedom; children, orphaned in fact if not in name, for separation from parents among the colored people in those days left no hope of reunion this side the grave; wives forever parted from their husbands, and husbands who might never hope to catch again the brightening eye and the welcoming smile of the help-mates whose hearts God and nature had joined to theirs. Such recollections come fresh to me when with trembling voice I sing the old familiar song of anti-slavery days:

Oh deep was the anguish of the slave mother’s heart

When called from her darling forever to part;

So grieved that lone mother, that broken-hearted mother

In sorrow and woe.

The child was borne off to a far-distant clime

While the mother was left in anguish to pine;

But reason departed, and she sank broken-hearted

In sorrow and woe.

I remained at Louisville a little over three years, staying for some months after the war closed in charge of the colored camp, the hospital, dispensary and government stores.

Wonderful Eventful Life of Rev. Thomas James, by himself
Third Edition, Rochester, NY: Post-Express Printing Company, Mill Street. 1887.



Louisvillian sculpture Ed Hamilton designs the ‘Spirit of Freedom’

The first national memorial to black Civil War veterans. Erected in 1998 in Washington, D.C.


Washington DC – Shaw – U Street Corridor: African-American Civil War Memorial

Spirit of Freedom, the African American Civil War Memorial, located at the eastern entrance of the U St/African-Amer Civil War Memorial/Cardozo Metro station at U Street and Vermont Avenue, NW, was dedicated on July 18, 1998. Designed by sculptor Ed Hamilton and architect Marc Doswell, under the commission of the DC Commission on the Arts and Humanities, the memorial honors the contributions of of black soldiers and sailors to the Union cause during the Civil War.

The memorial features a 9’1/2″ bronze sculpture with a front high-base relief of three infantry soldiers and a sailor, and a backside low relief of a family group as the soldier, a son, leaves for the war. The sculpture sits on a two foot tall, granite-clad base. Five surrounding granite
walls contain 166 burnished stainless steel plaques listing the names of 208,943 soldiers and sailors who served in the U.S. Colored Troops during the Civil War. The plaques are arranged by regiment. Included among the names are 7,000 white officers who served with the troops.

The memorial was initially proposed in a resolution by the Washington, D.C. City Council in 1991. In 1992, Representative Eleanor Holmes Norton presented Resolution 320 to the House of Representatives, and it was signed into law four months later. A nonprofit organization, The African American Civil War Memorial Freedom Foundation, was formed to build the monument. Much of the $2.6 million in funding came from from the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, as compensation for the disruption caused by subway construction. The land was donated by the U.S. National Park Service. The plaza was dedicated on Sept. 12, 1996. The monument was not completed at the time of its unveiling on July 18, 1998 because of construction delays. The complex was transferred to the National Park Service on October 27, 2004 and is managed by the National Mall and Memorial Parks of the NPS.

The greater U Street Historic District, roughly bounded by New Hampshire Avenue, Florida Avenue, 6th Street, R Street and 16th Street, in the Shaw neighborhood of northwestern Washington DC, is largely a Victorian-era neighborhood, made up of row houses constructed in response to the city’s high demand for housing following the Civil War and the growth of the federal government in the late 19th century. The area was predominately white and middle class until 1900, but as Washington became progressively more segregated, the U Street Corridor emerged as the city’s most important concentration of businesses and entertainment facilities owned and operated by blacks, becoming known as “Black Broadway” in its cultural heyday. The late 1960’s saw the neighborhood begin a fall into decline, marred by violence and drug tacking, that would last well into the revitalization and gentrification of the 1990’s.

Greater U Street Historic District National Register #98001557 (1998)

9th Plate Tintype of C. Miller, Co E, 107th U.S.C.T. (raised in Louisville)

An unmarked civilian tintype of a black soldier ostensibly C. Miller with his identification badge pinned to the pillow having period inscription that reads, C. Miller/Co. E./107/USCT.

The only C. Miller in the regiment was “Creed Miller” who served in Company C, enlisting at Lebanon, Ky., in July 1864. Creed Miller later died in service, date not stated. The

107th USCT was organized at Louisville during the summer of 1864 and was assigned to the 18th Corps, Army of the James in October. It transferred to the 25th Corps, Department of North Carolina and saw action during the expeditions against Fort Fisher and the capture of Wilmington. The 107th also participated in the Carolinas campaign and the occupation of Raleigh. The regiment did not muster out until November 1866.


Cowan’s Auction